Despenalización del aborto en Chile: una aproximación mixta desde la percepción del aborto en población comunitaria / Decriminalization of abortion in Chile: a mixed method approach based on perception of abortion in the community population

OBJETIVO: Identificar variables y argumentaciones valóricas que configuran la percepción de la interrupción del embarazo como delito bajo cualquier causal, en una muestra comunitaria de una ciudad al sur de Chile durante el debate de la Ley 21.030. MÉTODO: Estudio mixto, cuantitativo, observacional, de corte transversal correlacional y cualitativo. Una muestra cuantitativa de 289 personas de Temuco (Chile) contestó a un cuestionario sobre categorías sociales y su percepción de la gravedad de 15 conductas como delito. Para la fase cualitativa se realizaron 12 entrevistas semiestandarizadas sometidas a análisis de contenido, incorporando algunos elementos de la teoría fundamentada desde la perspectiva constructivista. RESULTADOS: Con independencia del sexo, más de la mitad de la muestra de estudio consideran el aborto como un delito entre grave y extremadamente grave. Las personas religiosas, sin importar el tipo de religión, políticamente conservadoras y con menor nivel educativo, presentan una percepción del aborto como delito de mayor gravedad. La participación con frecuencia en actos religiosos presenta un efecto mediador. Los resultados cualitativos establecen una perspectiva multidimensional y el dogma de la religión como argumento central para rechazar el aborto. CONCLUSIONES: La religión y una visión política conservadora afectan las construcciones tradicionales de género y maternidad, y por ende se observa una tendencia a rechazar el aborto. Estos resultados hacen hincapié en la necesidad de prestar especial atención a la aceptación de la Ley 21.030 sobre la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo para una aplicación efectiva

OBJECTIVE: To identify the variables and the axiological argumentations that configure the perception of abortion as a crime, in a sample of a city in southern Chile during the debate of law 21.030. METHOD: The design is quantitative, observational correlation cross-sectional followed by a qualitative approach. The quantitative sample of 289 members of the community of Temuco (Chile) answered a questionnaire about social categories, and their perception of the seriousness of 15 behaviours defined in Chile as crimes. For the qualitative phase, we carried out 12 semi-standardized interviews in the same community, subject to content analysis, incorporating some elements of grounded theory from the constructivist perspective. RESULTS: Regardless of sex, more than half of the study sample considers abortion to be between a serious and an extremely serious crime, despite its current decriminalization. Religious people, no matter what kind of religion, political conservatives and people of a lower educational level, perceive abortion as a serious crime. Frequency of participation in religious events has a mediating effect. The qualitative results establish t religious teaching as a very important argument to reject abortion, and that the perception of the severity of abortion as a crime is multidimensional. CONCLUSION: Religion and a conservative political vision affect the traditional constructions of gender and motherhood, and therefore, there is a marked tendency to reject abortion. These results emphasize the need to pay special attention to the acceptance of Law 21.030 on the voluntary termination of pregnancy in regions. This is important for effective application of the Law

"The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari": The Scientific Debate on Hypnosis and Its Legal Implications between the 19th and the 20th Century.

Movies could provide unexpected information on the state of medical knowledge in different historical periods. The first centenary of the German silent horror movie Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari (The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari) by Robert Wiene (1873-1938) could be a timely occasion to reflect on the scientific debate of hypnosis and its legal implications between the 19th and the 20th century. In particular, this article describes the positions of the School of Salpêtrière (Charcot) and the School of Nancy (Bernheim) on the possibility of crimes committed by subjects under hypnosis and the influence of these theories on medical community and public opinion of Germany in the interwar period.

Personal infidelity and professional conduct in 4 settings.

We study the connection between personal and professional behavior by introducing usage of a marital infidelity website as a measure of personal conduct. Police officers and financial advisors who use the infidelity website are significantly more likely to engage in professional misconduct. Results are similar for US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) defendants accused of white-collar crimes, and companies with chief executive officers (CEOs) or chief financial officers (CFOs) who use the website are more than twice as likely to engage in corporate misconduct. The relation is not explained by a wide range of regional, firm, executive, and cultural variables. These findings suggest that personal and workplace behavior are closely related.

Mapeando la criminalización del aborto en el Ecuador / Mapping the criminalization of abortion in Ecuador / Mapejant la criminalització de l'avortament a l'Equador

Este artículo resalta el proceso de mapeo de la criminalización del aborto en Ecuador, como parte de un proyecto de investigación llevado a cabo en colectivo entre una institución académica (FLACSO-Ecuador) y organizaciones de la sociedad civil (Centro de Apoyo y Protección de los Derechos Humanos SURKUNA y el Colectivo de Geografía Crítica de Ecuador). Esta colaboración conjunta da como resultado varios mapas temáticos que posicionan la criminalización del aborto dentro del continuum de violencia de género en Ecuador. El artículo señala hallazgos clave que resultan del mapeo de los 243 casos procesados por aborto bajo la ley penal en Ecuador, y sugiere formas de enfrentar la violación de los derechos sexuales y derechos reproductivos

This article draws attention to the process of mapping the criminalization of abortion in Ecuador. As part of a research project carried out in partnership between an academic institution (FLACSO-Ecuador) and civil society organizations (SURKUNA and the Critical Geography Collective of Ecuador).This joint collaboration results in various thematic maps that positions the criminalization of abortion within the continuum of gender-based violence in Ecuador. The article points to key findings resulting from mapping the 243 cases processed for abortion under criminal law in Ecuador, and suggests ways forward for affronting the violation of sexual and reproductive right

Aquest article remarca el procés de mapatge de la criminalització de l'avortament a l’Equador, com part d'un projecte de recerca dut a terme col·lectivament entre una institució acadèmica (FLACSO-Equador) i organitzacions de la societat civil (Centre de Suport i Protecció dels Drets Humans SURKUNA i el Col·lectiu de Geografia Crítica d'Equador). Aquesta col·laboració conjunta dóna com a resultat diversos mapes temàtics que posicionen la criminalització de l'avortament dins del continuum de violència de gènere a l’Equador. L'article exposa punts clau que resulten del mapatge dels 243 casos processats per avortament sota la llei penal de l’Equador i suggereix formes d'afrontar la violació dels drets sexuals i drets reproductius

'He who helps the guilty, shares the crime'? INGOs, moral narcissism and complicity in wrongdoing.

Humanitarian organisations often work alongside those responsible for serious wrongdoing. In these circumstances, accusations of moral complicity are sometimes levelled at decision makers. These accusations can carry a strong if unfocused moral charge and are frequently the source of significant moral unease. In this paper, we explore the meaning and usefulness of complicity and its relation to moral accountability. We also examine the impact of concerns about complicity on the motivation of humanitarian staff and the risk that complicity may lead to a retreat into moral narcissism. Moral narcissism is the possibility that where humanitarian actors inadvertently become implicated in wrongdoing, they may focus more on their image as self-consciously good actors than on the interests of potential beneficiaries. Moral narcissism can be triggered where accusations of complicity are made and can slew decision making. We look at three interventions by Médecins Sans Frontières that gave rise to questions of complicity. We question its decision-guiding usefulness. Drawing on recent thought, we suggest that complicity can helpfully draw attention to the presence of moral conflict and to the way International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs) can be drawn into unintentional wrongdoing. We acknowledge the moral challenge that complicity presents to humanitarian staff but argue that complicity does not help INGOs make tough decisions in morally compromising situations as to whether they should continue with an intervention or pull out.

Learning to blast a way into crime, or just good clean fun? Examining aggressive play with toy weapons and its relation with crime.

BACKGROUND: Researchers, such as Bandura, have proposed that children's mere exposure to the use of play weapons encourages deviant displays of aggression, but there is very little research to support this hypothesis of 20 years. AIM: To examine the relationship between amount of weapon play and concurrent aggression as well as later violent juvenile crime, while controlling for other variables possibly influencing criminal pathways. METHOD: Using longitudinal survey data collected from mothers and children (n = 2019) from age 5, with follow-up at age 15, correlations between children's play with toy weapons and juvenile criminality were examined. Multivariate regression analyses were employed to determine to what extent early childhood aggression, symptoms of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and symptoms of depression were antecedents of juvenile crime. RESULTS: For bivariate analysis between toy weapon play and juvenile criminality, the effect size was small and not significant. The relationship remained not significant once control variables were introduced into the model. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: The act of pretending to be aggressive in childhood thus plays little role in predicting later criminality after other factors, such as gender, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder or depression, have been taken into account. Involvement in imaginative play with toy gun use in early childhood is unlikely to be useful as a risk marker for later criminal behaviour. Play fighting and war toy games may even be considered necessary components within the frame of normal development. Copyright © 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

La Convención sobre la lucha contra el Tráfico de Órganos, una mirada desde la bioética / A bioethics approach to the Convention against trafficking in Human Organs

El artículo analiza jurídicamente desde una perspectiva bioética el Convenio sobre la lucha contra el tráfico de Órganos del Consejo de Europa (2015). Se sistematizan y se reflexiona sobre los valores y novedades que aporta el Convenio: la mercantilización del cuerpo humano como vulneración de los derechos humanos y la delimitación de las donaciones de órganos a los actos de gratuidad con consentimiento informado. El Convenio es significativo por su aporte a los derechos humanos y al debate sobre la libre disponibilidad del cuerpo. Pero no se posiciona sobre ciertas cuestiones altamente controvertidas: la donación por parte de personas incapaces de consentir y la compensación por donación; dando un amplio margen de apreciación a los Estados que puede mermar su potencial efectividad

The article analyzes the Convention against trafficking with Human Organs from the Council of Europe (2015) from a legal and bioethical perspective. It systematizes and considers the contributions of the Convention: commercialization with the human body as a violation of human rights and the delimitation of organ donations to free and informed consented acts. The Convention is significant for its contribution to the human rights and to the debate of the limits on the use and control over one’s body. But it takes no position on certain highly controversial issues: donation by incompetent people and compensation for donation; giving a broad margin of appreciation to States parties may undermine its potential effectiveness

Crimes against Public Health in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The criminal protection of human health, public health is based on the punishment procedures doctor, pharmacist, ordinary citizen, manufacturers and merchants. It is justified to singleout these crimes in a special group of criminal offenses within the particular part, which is particularly true for those offenses where the focus is not on false threats to the health of a particular individual, but when it may lead to more people lose their lives or get to poor health of more people. This paper will point out the fundamental characteristics of these criminal offenses, their justification to identify a separate chapter in the criminal law, the importance of respect ethical standards in scientific activity, the criminal liability of doctors as fundamental carriers of health activities with regard to the offenses for which the perpetrators appear primary doctor.

Corruption in health-care systems and its effect on cancer care in Africa.

At the government, hospital, and health-care provider level, corruption plays a major role in health-care systems in Africa. The returns on health investments of international financial institutions, health organisations, and donors might be very low when mismanagement and dysfunctional structures of health-care systems are not addressed. More funding might even aggravate corruption. We discuss corruption and its effects on cancer care within the African health-care system in a sociocultural context. The contribution of high-income countries in stimulating corruption is also described. Corrupt African governments cannot be expected to take the initiative to eradicate corruption. Therefore, international financial institutions, health organisations, and financial donors should use their power to demand policy reforms of health-care systems in Africa troubled by the issue of corruption. These modifications will ameliorate the access and quality of cancer care for patients across the continent, and ultimately improve the outcome of health care to all patients.

Exposing and addressing tobacco industry conduct in low-income and middle-income countries.

The tobacco industry's future depends on increasing tobacco use in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs), which face a growing burden of tobacco-related disease, yet have potential to prevent full-scale escalation of this epidemic. To drive up sales the industry markets its products heavily, deliberately targeting non-smokers and keeps prices low until smoking and local economies are sufficiently established to drive prices and profits up. The industry systematically flaunts existing tobacco control legislation and works aggressively to prevent future policies using its resource advantage to present highly misleading economic arguments, rebrand political activities as corporate social responsibility, and establish and use third parties to make its arguments more palatable. Increasingly it is using domestic litigation and international arbitration to bully LMICs from implementing effective policies and hijacking the problem of tobacco smuggling for policy gain, attempting to put itself in control of an illegal trade in which there is overwhelming historical evidence of its complicity. Progress will not be realised until tobacco industry interference is actively addressed as outlined in Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Exemplar LMICs show this action can be achieved and indicate that exposing tobacco industry misconduct is an essential first step.

Hate and punishment.

According to legal expressivism, neither crime nor punishment consists merely in intentionally imposing some kind of harm on another. Crime and punishment also have an expressive aspect. They are what they are in part because they enact attitudes toward others--in the case of crime, some kind of disrespect, at least, and in the case of punishment, society's condemnation or reprobation. Punishment is justified, at least in part, because (and when) it uniquely expresses fitting condemnation or other retributive attitude. What makes retributive attitudes fitting is that they protect the victim's status as inviolable. Hate or bias crimes dramatize the expressive aspect of crime, as they are often designed to send a message to the victim's group and society at large. Treating the enactment of contempt and denigration toward a historically underprivileged group as an aggravating factor in sentencing may be an appropriate way to counter this message, as it reaffirms and indeed realizes the fundamental equality and inviolability of all members of a democratic community.

The philosophical aspects of hate crime and hate crime legislation: introducing the special section on the philosophy of hate crime.

In this introduction to the special symposium on the philosophy of hate crime, we provide an overview of the main philosophical aspects of hate crime and hate crime legislation. We point out that there are two overarching philosophical issues that span over the literature: the Conceptual Question--concerning what hate crime is--and the Normative Question--concerning the status of hate crimes and the justification of hate crime legislation. We also provide brief summaries of the articles in the special section and point to their relations to the broader themes.

In which wretched part of the world? A glimpse into western drug- and device-makers (and others) behaving badly.

A bioethics colleague wrote of the efforts of those in India "who struggle each and every day in this wretched part of the world" to eliminate corruption from the clinical and research practice of medicine, and from medical education. Wretchedness is the human condition. Corruption is endemic- and is a pandemic. Both have anchors as firm in the West as anywhere else in the world. The record of wretchedness-whether personal, corporate, institutional, or a combination thereof-is not measured in events, weeks, or months, but in patterns of practice often across decades. The conditions have no single home, residence, or country of origin. They exist when and where one abets acts or omissions that take advantage of power, or access to it, and adulterate or debase a system-particularly one of governance. The answer is to identify and share information on the problems and problem-makers, and so cooperate in efforts to increase transparency at all levels of medical research, care, and education. A reasoned first step in this regard would be the institution of a central website at which, inter alia, questioned research might be identified by journal, article, subject matter, publication date, and authors-and, where appropriate, company; specifics as to questioned data elements and history regarding communication to and with the authors as to the questioned data elements might be set forth; and some resolution of a matter might be posted.